French Language and Cultural Centre - Alliance Francaise Christchurch - Le Défi de la Semaine
The question is whether, at legislative elections in June, he can build this thin base into a stable governing majority. The French constitution grants the president huge power, but he still needs the backing of parliament to pass laws. Others are costly but uncontroversial, such as shrinking primary-school classes in underperforming schools.
Yet his flagship legislation, to loosen the labour market, could be explosive. Its objective is to give firms far greater say in organising working time and pay, granting employees the right to hold a referendum if their unions resist. He wants to cap redundancy payments awarded in labour courts.
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En Marche! The Republic on the Move! Half of these, to be unveiled on May 11th, will be newcomers to politics: businessmen, teachers, sports organisers and the like. Other politicians could defect to the new grouping. The Socialist Party is starting to bleed deputies. Matters are more complicated for the Republicans. Others are less sure. Each would have to take a huge political gamble, but could unlock further defections from the centre-right.
Défi 1 – Livre de l’élève + CD audio
An alternative would be an existing supporter, such as Ms Goulard, a fluent English- and German-speaker who has a reputation as a smart negotiator. In the coming days, Mr Macron will begin to take in what he has achieved, but also the burden of the task ahead.
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He has won a historic victory, but some voters on the far left and the centre-right backed him only to keep out Ms Le Pen. He will need to speak to the 11m voters who backed her, as well as the record 4m who cast blank or spoiled votes in protest at both. Many of these angry voters are from small towns and rural parts that have lost jobs and services, and see no benign side to the forces of globalisation that Mr Macron defends.
The management of change in France, though, is usually less about parliamentary arithmetic than public order. The street is the theatre of choice for French protest, and it has repeatedly defeated efforts by governments of the left and the right to loosen labour laws over the past 20 years. But when Mr Macron arrived and spoke with them, he was firm.
Less generous pundits worry that he is a novice with no idea of what is about to hit him. Mr Macron has already entered history. He inherits not only a divided country, but the heavy weight of expectations. The French at times seem to indulge their ennui as an emblem of national identity.
Philosophical doubt, and the impossibility of the ideal, form part of the national character. But in recent years pessimism and negativity have taken on a destructive edge. France, which is still living under a state of emergency, badly needs such a dose. The task is demanding, and the chances of instant recovery do not look too promising. Then again, neither did the election of the remarkable Mr Macron.
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